On Wednesday I met a lady from Grodno (Hrodno in Belarusian) who runs a theatrical group, which now can no longer perform publicly because of Lukaszenka's ban on public use of the Polish language. Now members of her troupe, which includes an orchestra, will only be able to rehearse privately or online.
We talked about the possibility of funding a handful of them to come to London and to perform in POSK for a week or so.
In the meantime I had prepared a report on the situation in Belarus and am looking for a newspaper or magazine that would be interested in publishing it. Hope I find something in the next week.
Here is the text.
Polish Minority in Belarus under threat of
Russification
With the
turmoil and destruction in next door Ukraine hogging the media headlines, we
are paying less attention than before to the internal repression now proceeding
unchecked in Belarus. There are currently some 1,400 political prisoners in
Belarus, many of whom are being beaten during interrogation and kept in
unhealthy overcrowded prisons. Some of the prisoners have been dying in
unexplained but sinister circumstances. Other members of the opposition, like
former presidential candidate, Svietlana Cichanouska, languish abroad. The
Belarusian dictator, Aleksandr Lukashenka, has been consolidating his power
base following his fraudulent election victory in 2020, and is now assisting
Vladimir Putin in seeking to extend the theatre of war to the northern borders
of Ukraine and to other neighbouring countries, like Poland.
Lukashenka
no longer takes account of the reaction of his western neighbours and is now
turning against the national minorities that identify with those countries. In
particular, he is persecuting the sizeable Polish minority, which had been
settled in the western border territories of Belarus, especially in the Hrodno
province, since the fifteenth century. Official questionable Belarusian
statistics from the 2009 census indicate the Polish population of Belarus at
295,000. However, 413,000 Poles were recorded under a previous poll held in
1989 by the Soviet authorities and according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of Poland, the number is as high as 1,100,000. It forms the second largest
ethnic minority in the country after the Russians, at around 3.1% of the total
population. Furthermore, Polish authorities had received more than 162,000
applications for Polish identity cards from Belarusian citizens with Polish
roots.
Since 1937
Belarus underwent intense Russification under Soviet rule, which led to the
suppression of all non-Russian languages in this territory, including even
Belarusian. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 led to the re-emergence of
a Polish self-identity and the opportunity to speak Polish and to let Polish
culture flower. Following the Polish-Belarusian treaty, signed in 1992, several
independent Polish cultural and social organizations emerged, including the
Union of Poles in Belarus (ZPB) with 20,000 members, the Polish Education
Society (PMS), the Polish Institute in Minsk, the Mickiewicz Museum in
Novogrudok, and Polish cultural centres in Lida, Mohilev and other towns in Belarus.
There were more than 200 Roman Catholic parishes in Belarus, often run by
Polish speaking priests. Four Polish day schools were set up with funds raised
in Poland, including the largest in Hrodno, with 620 pupils, offering them the
chance to study afterwards in a Polish university with a Polish
scholarship.
A rich
Polish culture extends back in history to when the whole of Belarus was part of
the amorphous multi-ethnic and religiously tolerant Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth, and when Polish was the language of the social elites. For
example, a native of Belarus was the leading XIXth century romantic poet, Adam
Mickiewicz, who is honoured today as the national poet of Poland, Belarus and
Lithuania, even though he wrote only in Polish. This historic tradition, as
well as the Polish minority’s distinctly Roman Catholic faith, had always been
resented by the Russian-speaking authorities in Belarus, and that includes
Lukashenka himself.
Lukaszenka
had earlier tried to divide the Polish community by interfering in the internal
elections of the Union of Poles, and confiscating the Union’s property when the
“wrong“ Chairman was elected. Nevertheless, the unofficial Union had continued
to function under the leadership of a teacher, Andzelika Borys, and had identified
itself with the mass democratic movement which challenged the fraudulent
presidential election results of 2020.
In March
last year following the popular annual celebrations on the feast of St Casimir,
a Polish saint, five ZPB local leaders were arrested on trumped charges of
organizing illegal gatherings and were even threatened with charges of treason.
Three of them were expelled permanently with their families to Poland, but
Andzelika Borys, and ZPB vice-chairman, the journalist Andrzej Poczobut,
remained in prison. They were charged under article 130 para 3 of the Criminal
Code of the Belarusian Republic “for inciting national and religious hatred and
furthering discord on the basis of national, religious and linguistic identity,
as well as the rehabilitation of Nazism carried out by a group of people”.
Andzelika Borys was released from prison in March this year because of her poor
health and is currently awaiting trial under house arrest. Her colleague,
Andrzej Poczobut, who is also correspondent for the Polish liberal newspaper
“Gazeta Wyborcza”, has been languishing in prison for more than 600 days,
awaiting trial. According to Philipp Fritz of “Die Welt” he could be facing a
ten or twelve year sentence, or perhaps even the death penalty. Apart from
accusations of “rehabilitating Nazism”, he is supposed to be guilty of calling
for sanctions, “whose aim would be to undermine national security”. He is
listed on the Belarus national register of “terrorists”.
After
abolishing the Union of Poles, the regime has turned to eradicating the Polish
language in schools. Lukashenka is subverting the Belarusian constitution which
allows national minorities to run schools teaching in minority languages. Since
September, despite massive protests by parents, all four Polish day schools, in
Hrodno, Volkovysk, Mohilev and Brest, have been transformed into Russian
speaking schools, following a new Education Code, introduced last year, which
prevents the establishment of education centres in Belarus which would teach in
minority languages. The headmistress of the school in Brest, Anna Paniszewa,
was also arrested in March last year for organizing a meeting with her pupils
about wartime ani-Nazi and anti-Soviet partisans. Under the new Code, Polish
literature can be taught in the Polish language, but for just one hour in the
week, and subject to the permission of the local authority. There would be no
more state examinations in the Polish language. In September the Supreme Court
decreed the winding up of the Polish Education Society, and confiscated their
expensive headquarters in Hrodno. At the same time, the local Polish Cultural
Centres in Belarus had been closed down, one by one, and their property, which
had been funded by cultural organizations in Poland, was confiscated.
He is also
trying to eradicate traces of Poland’s past. The local authorities in Lida are
planning to churn up the local Catholic cemetery, first opened in 1797. It
includes many historic Polish funerary monuments and the graves of Polish
airmen and soldiers killed in the Polish-Soviet war of 1920 and in the wartime
resistance movement. In August local authorities destroyed a cemetery with
Polish Home Army soldiers at Surkonty, including the grave of legendary
one-armed commander, Colonel Maciej Kalenkiewicz. Destruction has taken place
in at least ten cemeteries with Polish memorials and gravestones this year.
Pavel Latushka, former Belarusian Ambassador to Poland, has blamed a desire for
vengeance against Poland as being responsible earlier this year for the
destruction of the graves of the Polish Home Army soldiers, citing the example
of the cemetery in Mikuliski.
Polish
Catholic churches still remain, as well as the Seminary in Hrodno, but most
priests with Polish citizenship have had to leave, and fear of prosecution
prevents any independent Polish cultural activities in churches. In September,
after a minor fire in a backroom, the iconic XIXth century Catholic “Red
Church” in the centre of Minsk (it was called “red” because of its distinctive
red brickwork) was closed for an indefinite period. The priests and
parishioners were told to clear out all their property by the middle of
October, despite an appeal by the Catholic Church hierarchy. The church was
used once as a sanctuary for street demonstrators in 2020, and the police had
had no hesitation in marching in and carting them off to prison. At one stage
the former head of the Catholic Church in Belarus, Archbishop Kondrusiewicz, a
Belarusian citizen, had been barred from returning to Belarus from Poland,
after he had prayed for political prisoners in Belarus outside the walls of a
prison.
During a
meeting in London this week with a Polish theatrical producer in Belarus, I was
told that Polish cultural activities, like dances and plays, could only take
place in private accommodation, and even then, there was the constant fear of
being denounced by unsympathetic neighbours.
“Belarus is
under Russian occupation, and the authorities in Minsk are fulfilling the
ideology of the Kremlin,” says Andrzej Pisalnik, editor of the popular Polish
website “znadniemna.pl” and ZPB activist. He had been arrested for subversive
activity, along with his wife, and they were facing a heavy prison sentence.
They agreed to being forcibly repatriated to Poland after their 10-year-old son
was threatened with being sent to a children’s home “For more than a month,”
says Pisalnik, “they claim to be “denazifying” Ukraine, and now they want the
total elimination of all Polish life in the occupied territory of Belarus”.
The exiled
leader of the democratic movement in Belarus, Svietlana Cichanouska, has
stated, while in Poland, that the closure of Polish schools in Hrodno province
is an act of revenge for the support that Poland has given to the Belarusian
opposition, and now against the war in Ukraine. There have been international
protests in Poland and Lithuania, but Western countries have shown little
interest at this relentless persecution of a national minority, which is
overshadowed by the current war in Ukraine.
Not only
Polish culture is under threat from Russification. Belarusian democratic leader
Aleksandar Milinkievich believes that “Belarus is undergoing the Soviet policy
of destroying national identity and ending the teaching in languages other than
Russian.” For similar restrictions have led to the closure of two Lithuanian
language schools and two Ukrainian ones. Even the Belarusian language is under
threat as it may be relegated solely now to the teaching of Belarusian history.
Belarusian and Russian are both considered official languages of Belarus, but
only 23% of the 9.67m population speaks the former, whereas more than 70.2% per
cent speaks the latter. No more than 10% of Belarusians say they communicate in
Belarusian in their day-to-day lives, mostly in the country villages. In the
academic year 2016-2017 near 128,000 students were taught in Belarusian
language (13.3% of total), but many of the village schools are now closing.
This year, a number of Belarusian language printing presses and bookshops have been
closed down and their owners arrested.
This
official Belarusian/Russian policy of Russification has even wider
implications. It is reflected in the attempt by Russia to eliminate all aspects
of distinctive Ukrainian culture in Ukraine, as well as its political
independence. Ultimately the Russian government would wish to extend this
policy of Russification to all its more vulnerable neighbours in Europe and
Asia.
Wiktor
Moszczynski